The Battle for Ramadi Part 1: City of Traps
Strategic Context: The Fall of the Anbar Awakening
A Province on the Brink
By early 2006, Anbar Province stood as the most volatile region in Iraq. Its geographic expanse, tribal complexity, and porous borders made it a haven for insurgents and foreign fighters. Though the U.S. military had launched repeated offensives in cities like Fallujah and Haditha, the gains were often fleeting. Anbar’s size and the fluid loyalties of its tribal networks meant that no victory stayed secure for long.

Map of Iraq highlighting Anbar Province in dark red, emphasizing its vast size in the western part of the country. Key cities such as Ramadi and Fallujah are marked within the province, illustrating Anbar’s strategic location bordering Syria, Jordan, and the Euphrates River corridor.
A Glimmer of Resistance
In late 2005, a fragile counterweight to insurgent dominance emerged. Known as the “Anbar Awakening,” this movement saw a handful of tribal leaders—exhausted by AQI brutality—begin to collaborate with U.S. forces. Intelligence sharing, recruiting for local police, and tentative security agreements followed. In towns west of Ramadi, the tide appeared to be turning.
Ramadi: The Awakening Dies in the Cradle
But in Ramadi, the Awakening stalled. The city had become AQI’s nerve center in Iraq—a laboratory for guerrilla warfare. Tribal sheikhs who cooperated with the coalition were swiftly assassinated. U.S.-backed governance initiatives crumbled as civil institutions collapsed. The provincial government barely functioned, with many of its members conducting business from U.S. bases for fear of being killed.

An Iraqi soldier talks with locals during a foot patrol in Hit, Anbar Province, June 11, 2006. Once hostile ground, U.S. troops from 1st Battalion, 36th Infantry say the city is now under better control. Iraqi forces are leading their own patrols, uncovering IEDs, and capturing insurgents weekly
Al-Qaeda Ascendant
Into this power vacuum surged al-Qaeda in Iraq. Its fighters embedded themselves in Ramadi’s neighborhoods, set up checkpoints, collected taxes, and ran shadow courts. Propaganda videos declared Ramadi the “capital of the Islamic State.” Children were recruited as lookouts; women were used to smuggle weapons. For many residents, resistance became suicide.
U.S. Command Sounds the Alarm
By spring 2006, U.S. commanders recognized Ramadi as the centerpiece of AQI’s campaign. Intelligence reports painted a dire picture: a city overrun, police force shattered, and governance nonexistent. The Anbar Awakening had flickered, then failed—leaving Ramadi in the grip of a ruthless enemy, and setting the stage for one of the fiercest urban battles of the Iraq War.

Marines from CLD-115 prep their Humvees before transporting Iraqi police to Ramadi’s hospital, July 5, 2006. The unit, built from CLR-15 out of Camp Taqaddum, supports 1st Brigade, 1st Armored Division with transport and outpost construction to help build an Iraqi security presence in the city
Anbar’s Tactical and Symbolic Value
A Province that Tied the War Together
Stretching from Baghdad’s western fringes to the Syrian and Jordanian borders, Anbar Province was Iraq’s largest and least governable region. Its sheer size—and sparse, rural population—made it ideal terrain for insurgent infiltration. Control of Anbar meant control of the smuggling routes, arms flows, and foreign fighter pipelines that powered the insurgency. For coalition commanders, this wasn’t just a geographic corridor—it was the war’s circulatory system.
Ramadi: The Heart of the Fight
At the center of Anbar lay Ramadi—a city both practically and symbolically crucial. Situated on the Euphrates River and flanked by the strategic Route 10 highway, Ramadi was a logistical linchpin. Whoever held Ramadi didn’t just dominate movement between Baghdad and the western border—they projected power across Iraq’s Sunni triangle. For AQI, it was a central node in their plan to build an Islamic caliphate; for the U.S., it was a city that couldn’t be lost without consequences.

Map of Iraq highlighting the Anbar Provence including major cities including Ramadi, Hit and Haditha
Al-Qaeda’s Urban Laboratory
Ramadi wasn’t just a staging area—it became al-Qaeda’s experiment in urban rule. AQI emirs set up makeshift courts, tax systems, and intimidation networks. U.S. intelligence and Marine commanders noted how quickly insurgents evolved from hit-and-run guerrillas to de facto governors. The city became a chilling prototype: if AQI could hold Ramadi and assert control, other towns might follow. The battle would decide if that experiment was replicable—or crushed.
A Psychological Battlefield
Beyond terrain and tactics, Ramadi had become a contest of willpower. Every day that al-Qaeda fighters patrolled the streets unchallenged undermined Iraqi government legitimacy. Every American convoy that was ambushed reinforced insurgent propaganda. For U.S. forces, retaking Ramadi wasn’t just a military operation—it was an existential pushback against AQI’s vision for Iraq. Victory in Ramadi would be a message to allies, enemies, and Iraqis alike: al-Qaeda could be beaten where it claimed to be strongest.

Cpl. David J. Bullard, a military policeman with CLD-115, returns to his Humvee after speaking with a fellow Marine in Ramadi, July 6, 2006. His unit helps transport Iraqi forces and build outposts to support the 1st Brigade, 1st Armored Division’s security mission
Enemy Entrenchment: AQI’s Urban Stronghold
A City of Traps
By spring 2006, Ramadi had become a city defined by danger at every corner. One Army officer called it a “city of traps”—a grim description that captured the lethal environment U.S. forces were forced to navigate. AQI’s fighters had embedded themselves deeply into the city’s infrastructure, transforming it into a layered defense network. IEDs lined main avenues and alleyways alike, making every step a potential fatal miscalculation. Sniper fire was a constant threat, especially from concealed positions atop rooftops or minarets.
Neighborhoods as No-Go Zones
Districts like Malab and Sofia had become synonymous with death. These neighborhoods weren’t just contested—they were lost. AQI had so saturated them with booby traps and roadside bombs that U.S. and Iraqi forces often marked them as “no-go” areas. Clearing these zones required weeks of planning, armor-heavy advances, and air support. Still, the risk was extreme, as insurgents frequently re-seeded cleared areas with new explosives overnight.

Cpl. Joseph Digloramo, a combat correspondent with India Company, 3rd Battalion, 8th Marines, provides overhead security while taking cover from small-arms fire during an operation in Ramadi, April 25, 2006. The mission aimed to disrupt insurgent activity in the area
Decentralized but Deadly
AQI didn’t hold Ramadi with traditional military formations. Instead, they relied on small, agile cells that communicated through couriers or burner phones, minimizing vulnerabilities to signals intelligence. These groups struck by night, launching ambushes and hit-and-run attacks before melting away into the civilian population. They used human shields, including women and children, to deter return fire and manipulate public perception.
Open Reign of Terror
By day, AQI gunmen patrolled with impunity. Armed militants established checkpoints, conducted public executions of suspected collaborators, and enforced a reign of terror across the city. Ramadi’s residents—those who had not already fled—lived under constant threat of punishment or reprisal. AQI even ran de facto courts and operated VBIED factories behind innocuous civilian facades, further blending warfare with everyday life.

A devastated section of downtown Ramadi in 2006, bearing the scars of intense urban combat and insurgent attacks that turned much of the city into a war-torn landscape
An Urban Fortress
The city itself had become an urban fortress, deliberately structured to sap U.S. momentum. AQI’s strategy was to bleed coalition forces through attrition, to turn every advance into a slog, and to make the cost of regaining control higher than the perceived benefit. This transformation of Ramadi into a noxious warren of bombs, fighters, and fear stood as a testament to al-Qaeda’s growing sophistication in urban warfare.
The Vanishing Local Government
Systematic Targeting of Leadership
Ramadi’s local government was systematically dismantled by insurgent violence. Key city council members and tribal leaders who opposed AQI were assassinated or forced into exile, leaving a leadership void and crippling attempts at organized resistance or governance.

An Iraqi soldier stands watch during a joint patrol in Hit, Iraq, June 13, 2006 — part of ongoing efforts to root out insurgents and build local security forces
Collapse of Security Institutions
Police stations across the city were either overrun, abandoned, or rendered ineffective due to infiltration and intimidation by AQI militants. The Iraqi police force was demoralized and largely incapable of enforcing law and order, leaving neighborhoods vulnerable and lawless.
Emergence of a Parallel Insurgent State
In the absence of legitimate government, AQI established a shadow administration imposing strict sharia law, levying “taxes” on residents, and meting out brutal justice through vigilante courts. This parallel power structure entrenched insurgent control, making any future military and political solution dependent on restoring governance and legitimacy.
U.S. Forces Prepare: The Surge Before the Surge
Transition in Command: From Task Force 2/28 to 1st BCT, 1AD
In mid-2006, Ramadi’s security responsibility shifted from Task Force 2/28, a Pennsylvania National Guard unit stretched thin and outgunned, to the more robust 1st Brigade Combat Team, 1st Armored Division (1st BCT, 1AD). This change marked a critical pivot in both manpower and tactical approach.

Unit insignia of the 1st Brigade Combat Team, 1st Armored Division — "Ready First" warriors of America's tank division
Clear-Hold-Build: A New Operational Philosophy
Departing from short-term raids, U.S. forces embraced the “Clear-Hold-Build” strategy—aiming not just to clear insurgents from neighborhoods, but to maintain a continuous presence, secure the population, and foster governance and reconstruction.
Establishment of Combat Outposts (COPs)
Key to this strategy was the creation of Combat Outposts deep within hostile urban areas. These fortified firebases allowed U.S. soldiers to live and patrol among residents, disrupt insurgent activities, and partner closely with Iraqi Security Forces in shared neighborhoods.

Lance Cpl. Perry R. Schultz, 20, of Sacramento, Calif., communicates with Iraqi contractors at the water purification unit at Blue Diamond near Ramadi, June 18, 2006. He and fellow Marines produce up to 18,000 gallons daily to support Iraqi forces as bases are established in the region
Early Challenges and Adaptations
Implementing this aggressive posture came with significant risk. Soldiers faced constant threats from sniper fire, IEDs, and ambushes. However, the embedded presence began to erode AQI’s freedom of movement and influence, laying groundwork for later operations.
Embedding with Iraqi Forces: An Uneasy Alliance
The Strategy of Partnership
A key part of the U.S. plan in Ramadi was embedding American troops directly with Iraqi Army units. Through joint patrols, shared outposts, and constant intelligence sharing, the goal was to build trust and develop Iraqi capabilities. Fighting side-by-side, U.S. forces hoped to empower Iraqi troops to eventually take full responsibility for the city’s security and gain legitimacy with the local population.

Staff Sgt. Mark A. Newlin briefs Iraqi soldiers before a patrol in Hit, June 11, 2006. Once volatile, the city now sees Iraqi troops leading the fight and capturing insurgents weekly
Challenges of Iraqi Forces
However, Iraqi units faced many challenges. Many were undertrained, poorly equipped, and struggling with low morale after years of conflict. Some units were infiltrated by insurgents, which further eroded trust. This resulted in uneven performance, with some Iraqi soldiers hesitant to engage the enemy or lacking discipline, forcing U.S. forces to frequently take the lead in combat operations.
Fragile Cooperation on the Ground
On the streets, cooperation was often uneasy. Communication problems and differing tactics made joint operations difficult. U.S. troops often covered for Iraqi partners who faltered under pressure. Despite these tensions, embedding allowed U.S. forces to mentor Iraqi troops closely and demonstrate commitment to building a reliable security force.

U.S. and Iraqi soldiers take cover during a street battle in Ramadi, April 22, 2006, as gunfire erupts around them (AP Photo/Todd Pitman)
Glimmers of Resolve
Still, there were encouraging signs. Some Iraqi officers and units showed courage and determination, standing their ground despite constant attacks. These pockets of strength gave hope that with continued support, Iraqi forces could grow into a capable and trusted security presence in Ramadi.
Countdown to Conflagration
AQI’s Growing Confidence and Control
By late summer 2006, al-Qaeda in Iraq had solidified its grip on Ramadi. The insurgents controlled large swaths of the city, running their operations with ruthless efficiency. Their confidence was palpable, as they openly patrolled neighborhoods, maintained sniper nests, and reinforced IED networks. For AQI, Ramadi was not merely a stronghold—it was the heart of their vision for an “Islamic State of Iraq,” a symbolic and strategic prize they were determined to defend at all costs.

Photo from June 19, 2006, shows Marines living without electricity or water at a new fortified observation post near Habbaniyah, outside Ramadi. New posts along the Fallujah-Ramadi highway aimed to cut IED threats and catch insurgents, while still allowing civilians to move freely
U.S. Forces Encircle and Infiltrate
Meanwhile, U.S. forces, reinforced by the 1st Battalion, 1st Armored Division (1/1 AD), methodically began tightening their grip. Combat Outposts sprang up like a tightening noose around the city, allowing soldiers to gradually move inward, block by block. Each outpost became a foothold from which patrols could launch, gradually pushing AQI back. The process was slow, methodical, and costly, as every inch of Ramadi was fiercely contested.
Civilian Tensions and the Fog of War
The civilian population found themselves caught in the crossfire. Daily life was marked by fear, uncertainty, and suspicion. The constant sound of explosions and gunfire was a grim reminder that peace was far from reach. Many residents were wary of both insurgents and coalition forces, navigating a perilous path between survival and resistance.

U.S. Army Sgt. Mario Nelson, 26, from Brooklyn, interacts with local children during a June 11, 2006 foot patrol in Hit, Iraq. The 1st Battalion, 36th Infantry Regiment from Germany reports control of the city, despite ongoing insurgent activity. Iraqi soldiers, partnering with U.S. forces, are increasingly leading patrols, finding IEDs, and capturing about five insurgents weekly
The Looming Storm: Preparing for Battle
Both sides understood that the conflict in Ramadi was approaching a critical juncture. AQI prepared for a prolonged and brutal defense, willing to sacrifice everything to hold their claim. U.S. commanders saw retaking Ramadi as the key to the broader campaign in Anbar Province, believing that success here could tip the balance in the insurgency’s heartland.
A New Kind of Urban Warfare
Yet, the battle that lay ahead would defy traditional combat expectations. Ramadi was a labyrinth—not just of streets and buildings, but of shifting loyalties, hidden dangers, and psychological warfare. The coming fight would test the limits of military strategy, urban combat, and human endurance, setting a precedent for 21st-century warfare.
About the Author
Holden Willmore
Holden is a Marine Corps veteran and high school history teacher with a deep passion for military history. He served as a Sergeant in the U.S. Marine Corps, with assignments in Okinawa and Marine Corps Air Station Cherry Point. After completing his service, Holden earned a bachelor's degree in History and a master's in Social Studies Education from the University of Minnesota.
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